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Time for United States to Join the Mine Ban Treaty
Tuesday, 02 March 2010
Eleven Years into the Antipersonnel Landmine Ban

Eleven years after the Mine Ban Treaty became binding international law, activists worldwide are stepping up their call on the United States to join.
 
The U.S. announced last November that it had initiated a review of its landmine policy. Members of the Nobel Peace Prize-winning International Campaign to Ban Landmines (ICBL) are visiting dozens of U.S. embassies worldwide on the 1 March anniversary to urge the U.S. to decide to join the Mine Ban Treaty without further delay.
 
“We are glad that the U.S. has decided to take a fresh look at its stance on banning antipersonnel mines,” said Sylvie Brigot, Executive Director of the ICBL. “During the policy review process, it is crucial that decision-makers listen to the voices of landmine survivors and mine-affected communities.”
 
The United States has not used antipersonnel mines since 1991, has had an export ban in place since 1992, and has not produced since 1997.
 
“The human cost of landmines far outweighs their military utility. An overwhelming majority of states have formally recognized this,” said Zach Hudson, coordinator of the U.S. Campaign to Ban Landmines. “The national security argument does not stand. Surely if we have been able to defend our country for the last 19 years without using landmines, we have already found alternative solutions.
 
The United States participated in an official Mine Ban Treaty meeting as an observer for the first time at the Cartagena Summit on a Mine-Free World, in December 2009. It is the world’s largest individual contributor for mine action and victim assistance programs, and it should match its financial commitment with a political commitment to end the threat of the use of landmines.
 
“The urgent need for increased assistance to landmine survivors was among the highlights of the Cartagena Summit,” explained Firoz Ali Alizada, ICBL Treaty Implementation Officer and a landmine survivor himself. “Given the magnitude of the challenges ahead on victim assistance, we need all states, including the United States, to commit formally to the Mine Ban Treaty. By doing so they will strengthen the ban on this weapon as the only acceptable norm, and help ensuring landmine survivors see their rights respected and receive full assistance.”
 
Adopted in 1997, the Mine Ban Treaty entered into force on 1 March 1999, just 15 months after it was negotiated – the shortest time ever for a modern international treaty. The treaty comprehensively bans all antipersonnel mines, requires destruction of stockpiled mines within four years, requires destruction of mines already in the ground within 10 years, and urges extensive programs to assist the victims of landmines.
 
 
Last Updated ( Tuesday, 02 March 2010 )
 
ASEAN Intergovernmental Commission on Human Rights
Wednesday, 29 July 2009

A Shroud Over the Corpses or a New Beginning?

The Terms of Reference for the ASEAN Intergovernmental Commission on Human Rights (AICHR), approved 20 July at the 42nd meeting of the ASEAN Foreign Ministers in Phuket, Thailand contains some promising language. For the first time, a group of nations guilty of severe human rights violations in every member state has proclaimed that it will create a body which specifically focuses on promoting and protecting human rights and fundamental freedoms of the peoples of ASEAN.1 However, like all good legal documents this one comes with lawyers clauses -it appears that this body will do so whenever there is consensus that they should protect a specific person or groups human rights.

We all knew such a move would be difficult in ASEAN, and it is too much to expect an explicit working document from a sanctioning meeting, however the document fails to give any guidance regarding how the universality of human rights norms will be protected by a body which works under ASEAN's principle of non-interference.

The proposed design has the members of the AICHR representing each government and appointed by them and capable of replacement at any time by the appointing government. The AICHR is to give its 'studies' and reports to each Foreign Minister. This is hardly a independent and transparent body. The proposed design does not give a mandate for the AICHR to have powers to monitor, investigate and report on human rights records or operate with independence. Without these, the body is likely to be a shroud over human rights abuses within the region than a genuine effort to protect human rights within the region

Nonviolence International believes that the protection and promotion of human rights in ASEAN requires the creation of a fully independent regional body which has a unambiguous mandate to both protect and promote human rights with clear monitoring and investigative powers. This must be done through universal principles and internationally agreed treaties and standards.

1 Terms of Reference for the ASEAN Intergovernmental Commission on Human Rights www.aseansec.org/DOC-TOR-AHRB.pdf

Last Updated ( Wednesday, 29 July 2009 )
 
Arming of Civilians and Firearms Proliferation Exacerbates Polarization in South Thailand
Monday, 15 June 2009

A new report released by Nonviolence International Southeast Asia

Government should end the creation of armed civilian defense volunteer forces and the supply of firearms to civilians in Southern Thailand

The Royal Thai government’s strategy of expanding civilian volunteer forces and substituting and deregulating purchases of firearms by civilians to address the violent conflict in southern Thailand proves counter-productive as it leads to greater insecurity and ethnic polarization among the population, Nonviolence International SEA said in a new report released today. The report, “Rule by the Gun: Armed Civilians and Firearms Proliferation in Southern Thailand,” launched as part of the Global Week of Action against Gun Violence*, provides an assessment of the security situation in the four violence-stricken provinces of Southern Thailand and the impact of firearms proliferation among civilians.

While violence continues unabated, interviews with state officials brought to light that law enforcement and security responsibilities are now increasingly delegated to poorly trained and screened paramilitary and civilian defense volunteer forces. The report demonstrates that the government’s strategies to resolve the conflict have not led to a substantial decrease in violence. Instead, it further heightened resentment among the Malay Muslim population towards the Thai state and raised their feelings of injustice and discrimination. Thai Buddhists, on the other hand, perceive state officers as incapable of providing security which drives their demand for guns.

Looking at both the supply and demand side of arms proliferation, quantitative and qualitative research revealed some clear trends of how arms proliferation in Southern Thailand potentially prolongs, if not exacerbates, the conflict. In terms of supply, the Thai government has supplied small arms, particularly to local Buddhists and officials through three channels: distributing firearms to civilian forces, easing firearms regulations, and subsidizing gun purchases.

Focus group discussions and in-depth interviews showed ethno-religious differentiated perceptions, justifications and impacts boosting gun demand and proliferation. Thai Buddhists feel they are in need of arms for self-defense, due to ongoing victimization by alleged Malay Muslim insurgents, and for protection of the motherland, a result of their heightened sense of nationalism. For Malay Muslims, guns place them at greater risk and insecurity due to surveillance and assault of the Thai authorities who are suspicious of mass support for the insurgent groups and civilian defense volunteers constitute a threat to their security.

Last Updated ( Monday, 15 June 2009 )
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